This analysis forms part of a new briefing co-produced with Agenda Alliance. Agenda Alliance exists to make a difference to the lives of women and girls who are at the sharpest end of inequality. They are an alliance of over 100 member organisations – from large, national bodies to smaller, specialist organisations – working in collaboration to influence public policy and practice to respond appropriately to women and girls with multiple, complex unmet needs: https://www.agendaalliance.org/
The briefing casts light on a crucial but neglected topic, showing that when a woman presents to services in suicidal distress it is likely that she’s a victim of domestic abuse, and that likelihood rises for people living in poverty, especially those who are unemployed or unable to work due to sickness or disability. Professionals working in Jobcentres, housing associations and other welfare services have frequent contact with women facing financial stress and debt. It’s vital that welfare professionals, as well as those working in health and social care, recognise the very high rates of domestic abuse experienced by such women, and are aware of the extent to which their distress can manifest in self-harm and suicidality. They should be trained to ask people if they are safe and supported to act accordingly.
This report was co-produced in collaboration with the generous input of many experts from across multiple sectors, people with lived experience, and with:
Reducing domestic abuse has become a priority for both local and national governments in the UK, with its substantial human, social, and economic costs. It is an interdisciplinary issue, but to date there has been no research in the UK that has focused on neighbourhood-level predictors of domestic abuse and their variation across space.
This article uses geographically weighted regression to model the predictors of police-reported domestic abuse in Essex. Readily available structural and cultural variables were found to predict the domestic abuse rate and the repeat victimisation rate at the lower super output area level and the model coefficients were all found to be non-stationary, indicating varying relationships across space. This research not only has important implications for victims’ well being, but also enables policy makers to gain a better understanding of the geography of victimisation, allowing targeted policy interventions and efficiently allocated resources.
This paper examines the spatial, environmental, and temporal patterns of 10,488 stranger rapes committed over a 15-year period in Greater London, UK.
We distinguished between two types of stranger rapes according to perpetrator method of approach, i.e. absent/fleeting interaction with victim on approach (S1) or extended interaction with victim on approach (S2). There were a range of locational settings in which perpetrators both encountered their victims and where the offence took place, and these differed by method of approach. The highest number of S1 offences occurred outdoors, with 74% of approaches and 55% of offences located recorded as outside. For S2 rapes, there was more variety in approach locations with only 32% outside. The level of locational correspondence between approach and offence location was 71% for S1 rapes and 28% for S2 rapes. A series of negative binomial regression models identified variables predictive of stranger rape offence location. There were significant associations with transport connections and the night-time economy for both S1 and S2 rapes. Other significant predictors were deprivation score, the percentage of one person properties, and the percentage of private rented properties in a location. The percentage of green space was a significant predictor for S1 rapes only. The current findings challenge the popular narrative that stranger rape occurs in a specific setting (i.e. outside in a secluded location at night) and have implications for place-based crime prevention policy.
…these findings challenge the popular narrative that stranger rape occurs in a specific setting…
The first robust evidence on the association between IPV and suicidality and self-harm to cover both men and women and adults of all ages in England. We showed that IPV is common in England, especially among women, and is strongly associated with self-harm and suicidality.
People presenting to services in suicidal distress or after self-harm should be asked about IPV. Interventions designed to reduce the prevalence and duration of IPV might protect and improve the lives of people at risk of self-harm and suicide. We show that strategies for violence reduction should form part of individual-level suicide risk assessment and safety planning, and they should feature in national suicide prevention strategies.
The knife is a relatively mundane, domestic and easily accessible household item. However, at the same time, it is often the weapon of choice for inflicting fatal violence against women in their homes.
In recent years, the knife has become an object of fear and panic in England and Wales when used in public by mostly young men on other young men. Overlooking the use of knives against women in ‘private’ spaces, much media coverage of ‘knife crime’ has centralised it as a problem confined to young Black men in urban environments. This attention has triggered a number of strategies and powers to tackle ‘knife crime’, primarily focusing on expanding stop and search powers, increasing prisons spaces, and launching (discriminatory) public awareness campaigns. However, all of these policy measures fail to tackle the use of knives in private spaces.
Viewed through three lenses of space, gender and materiality, this article analyses the gendered and spatialized aspects of ‘knife crime’ which are very often hidden in public and policy discourses. Situated in this way, the contemporary preoccupation with ‘knife’ crime illustrates the ongoing and deeply held assumptions surrounding debates on public and private violence. We argue that policy must recognise ‘knife crime’ as more than a problem faced only by young men in public, and addressed as a threat to women in private spaces.
The aim of this study was to estimate the lifetime cost of sexual violence and abuse in Essex, UK and evidence return on investment for support services. There were three main methodological components to this study. First, a rapid review using a systematic approach was be conducted to identify relevant unit costs that may be attributable to child and adult sexual violence and abuse. Second, administrative data was analysed, and regression predictions based on multiple imputation used to infer adjusted relative proportions attributable to each victim of sexual violence and abuse. Administrative data was also be used to infer the duration of harm where relevant. Finally, an estimate of the cost of sexual violence and abuse was be calculated by cost component, differentiating between child sexual violence and adult sexual violence.
In health-care settings, asking about trauma is recognised as good practice. Yet in research studies, whether to address trauma and how is contested.
Some studies prioritise inclusive samples and questions about lived experience. Others avoid potentially retraumatising topics and exclude people considered too vulnerable to participate. While ethical review and safeguarding is essential, at what point does protection become paternalism, and who gets to decide where that line is drawn? Just as harm to participants is unethical, might exclusion from research – at times – also be unethical and a form of epistemic harm?
When economists estimate the health, social, and economic costs of violence, they often apply the common economic practice of ‘discounting’. Discounting involves reducing the estimated value of the future relative to the present, year by year, by a given percentage.
We argue that economists should more fully recognise the longer-term harms of violence in their cost-benefit analyses and re-examine the practice of discounting future health costs. Such a change could lead to a re-evaluation of the level of public funds to invest in violence prevention and support the health needs of victims.
Trafficking is used as a case study to illustrate the impact of discounting on costing violence.
